According to this article the indigenous people of Australia, the Aboriginal people, have, in recent years rapidly began to associate themselves with Islamic culture. The Aboriginal people are victims of colonization and have faced discrimination from the colonizing population. Islam appeals to Aboriginals because, for one reason, Islam was not one of the conquering forces that over took Australia and, Islam coincides with pre-colonial Aboriginal lifestyle. Muslims are also a group of people that have suffered alongside Aboriginals as a group that is heavily discriminated against in Australia for nearly 300 years. It is only logical that these two groups would eventually be forced together, fortunately these two cultures cohere on many levels.
Monday, October 31, 2011
Sunday, October 30, 2011
Sharia-compliant hotels
Sharia compliance has no set code, it simply varies from hotel to hotel. Some hotels are dry, prohibiting the sell or consumption of alcohol on the premises. Other hotels require things such as separate dining halls with same sex servers for men and women, while others refuse to allow unmarried couples to stay in the same bedroom for the night. It sounds like a pretty understandable set of rules, for a high school field trip. The last thing that someone wants to do is follow a set of strict rules while paying for a commodity. Those who participate in devout religious practices can do so at their own free will, and those who do not should be allowed to practice their rituals at their own leisure, assuming that these two groups do not conflict or disturb one another.
My Islam, Class video 10/26
I found the theme following head coverings in Islamic culture to be most interesting in this video. The main character choose not to cover her head in order not to stand out in society, however she was able to mingle among other Muslims with no discomfort or judgmental looks from them. The intensity of a covering seems to correlate with that of a woman's education, not necessarily her religious devotion, the more educated the less intense the covering.
Tuesday, October 25, 2011
Identity experience among progressive gay Muslims in North America: A qualitative study within Al-Fatiha
I was really interested in the argument posed by the subjects in this article about the story of Lut in the Quran and how it has been used by Muslims to discourage homosexuality. I am assuming that this is the same story in the bible of Abraham, his nephew Lot, and the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah. Which Christians have used as a way to identify homosexuality as a sin. I thought that this was very interesting that modern interpretations of this story have reached new understandings of this story in different religions. I found a link to a website called cristiangay.com, that explains this interpretation from the Christian stand point. http://www.christiangay.com/he_loves/sodom.htm
Coping with potentially incompatible identities: Accounts of religious, ethnic, and sexual identities from British Pakistani men who identify as Muslim and gay
This article brings up an interesting issue, the struggle of being gay while trying to maintain a health religious practice. I was astounded by the difficulties of balancing a religious image with that of an alternate lifestyle. I feel like it must be very difficult to want to be as devout as others in one's community however one's desires lead them astray. I've never considered the religious ramifications of homosexuality. Also This article reminded me of a movie I once saw Called My Beautiful Laundrette, About a young man, Omar a Pakistani Muslim, who convinces his uncle to let him run his broken down laundry mat with the help of his lover, Johnny, a former member of the fascist movement in Britain, aka Daniel Day Lewis. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xzSdRNxWJbs
Sunday, October 23, 2011
Does Political Islam Impede Gender-Based Mobilization? The Case of Egyp
http://reconstructionplanning.files.wordpress.com/2011/01/article.pdf
Thesis:
Using Egypt as a primary site of investigation this article argues that the correlation of affirmative answers to the question "does political Islam impede gender-based mobilization" is spurious (apparently but not actually valid), if not ideologically biased and historical.
What that means in English is, that this article purposes that political Islam may not impede mobilization on the basis of gender although many scholars and feminist activists believe that it does on the basis of the Taliban in Afghanistan to the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Instead it proposes that although gender mobilization may be impeded it may be due to the widespread and exponential support of political Islamism in the South accompanied with the decline of non-religious-based women's movements.
Methodology:
Rabab El-Mahdi uses a majority of secondary and tertiary sources. The secondary sources are taken directly from interview, statements, and books by the individuals involved in political mobilization in Egypt such as Heba Raouf, one of the key founders of Women for Democracy. El-Mahdi's analysis is very thorough, and often repetitive due to the preponderance of evidence used in iterating pinnacle points of his argument.
Analysis and Review:
Throughout the paper El-Mahdi speaks about the nonspecific "scholars". This mythical scholar is often the owner of an opposing view to the declination and inhibitors of female mobilization in Egypt. Who or what is this mysterious "scholar" and when and where does it exist. This opposition is nameless, faceless, and therefore rendered defenseless without reputable sources. A good argument addresses the opposition, states the factual information that supports the opposition, the logical assumption behind the opinion, then points out flaws in the oppositions case. It does not seem to be too challenging to make a strong case against a party (the scholars) that may or may not exists. I am not saying that El-Mahdi did not execute his argument well, it just seems ill-begotten to pose your argument against such a vague and broad opposition such as "the scholars".
El-Mahdi Covers the history of the formation of the Women for Democracy, which was well explained and articulated. He Includes the 5 goals, or pillars, of Women for Democracy, explaining each of them. Women for Democracy was not entirely a feminist agenda, moreover it was a group, consisting of mainly women pushing for Democracy in the best interest of all citizens of Egypt. As El-Mahdi explains, the Egyptian government often uses the sexuality of women to control society as a whole. For instance during the state’s confrontation with militant Islamist groups in the 1990s, security forces used similar tactics extensively in villages in Upper Egypt against female family members of the militants. This is a tactic commonly used historically, as a tool to humiliate an enemy. I thought that El-Mahdi makes an interesting link (whether he knows it or not) between the common approach to discouraging the enemy by means of female sexuality and the failures of universal feminism (which have worked in the western world) in contributing to female mobilization in Egypt. Eh-Mahdi proposes that there is a need for a more local approach to feminism, meeting on the axis of class, religion, nation, and gender rather than the dividing line of sex. I find this to be a very interesting and rational concept, that feminism is not universal, it must develop within cultural boundaries. If western feminism developed in the regions and cultures of the west, then eastern feminism must develop in the regions and cultures in the east.
I believe that this is a very critical and analytically examination of political mobilization in Egypt, and that it provides an excellent conclusion to the changes facing gender mobilization that does not determine a correlation with the rise of Political Islam
Thesis:
Using Egypt as a primary site of investigation this article argues that the correlation of affirmative answers to the question "does political Islam impede gender-based mobilization" is spurious (apparently but not actually valid), if not ideologically biased and historical.
What that means in English is, that this article purposes that political Islam may not impede mobilization on the basis of gender although many scholars and feminist activists believe that it does on the basis of the Taliban in Afghanistan to the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. Instead it proposes that although gender mobilization may be impeded it may be due to the widespread and exponential support of political Islamism in the South accompanied with the decline of non-religious-based women's movements.
Methodology:
Rabab El-Mahdi uses a majority of secondary and tertiary sources. The secondary sources are taken directly from interview, statements, and books by the individuals involved in political mobilization in Egypt such as Heba Raouf, one of the key founders of Women for Democracy. El-Mahdi's analysis is very thorough, and often repetitive due to the preponderance of evidence used in iterating pinnacle points of his argument.
Analysis and Review:
Throughout the paper El-Mahdi speaks about the nonspecific "scholars". This mythical scholar is often the owner of an opposing view to the declination and inhibitors of female mobilization in Egypt. Who or what is this mysterious "scholar" and when and where does it exist. This opposition is nameless, faceless, and therefore rendered defenseless without reputable sources. A good argument addresses the opposition, states the factual information that supports the opposition, the logical assumption behind the opinion, then points out flaws in the oppositions case. It does not seem to be too challenging to make a strong case against a party (the scholars) that may or may not exists. I am not saying that El-Mahdi did not execute his argument well, it just seems ill-begotten to pose your argument against such a vague and broad opposition such as "the scholars".
El-Mahdi Covers the history of the formation of the Women for Democracy, which was well explained and articulated. He Includes the 5 goals, or pillars, of Women for Democracy, explaining each of them. Women for Democracy was not entirely a feminist agenda, moreover it was a group, consisting of mainly women pushing for Democracy in the best interest of all citizens of Egypt. As El-Mahdi explains, the Egyptian government often uses the sexuality of women to control society as a whole. For instance during the state’s confrontation with militant Islamist groups in the 1990s, security forces used similar tactics extensively in villages in Upper Egypt against female family members of the militants. This is a tactic commonly used historically, as a tool to humiliate an enemy. I thought that El-Mahdi makes an interesting link (whether he knows it or not) between the common approach to discouraging the enemy by means of female sexuality and the failures of universal feminism (which have worked in the western world) in contributing to female mobilization in Egypt. Eh-Mahdi proposes that there is a need for a more local approach to feminism, meeting on the axis of class, religion, nation, and gender rather than the dividing line of sex. I find this to be a very interesting and rational concept, that feminism is not universal, it must develop within cultural boundaries. If western feminism developed in the regions and cultures of the west, then eastern feminism must develop in the regions and cultures in the east.
I believe that this is a very critical and analytically examination of political mobilization in Egypt, and that it provides an excellent conclusion to the changes facing gender mobilization that does not determine a correlation with the rise of Political Islam
Saturday, October 1, 2011
Guttman's Tolerance Scale
- Guttman Scaling
- Are you willing to permit Muslims to live in your country?
- Are you willing to permit Muslims to live in your community?
- Are you willing to permit Muslims to live in your neighborhood?
- Are you willing to permit Muslims to live next door to you?
- Would you permit your child to marry a Muslim immigrant?
Islam and the Media
Images of Islam in US Media and their Educational Implications:
The Intention of this article is to show the challenges of multicultural education and the common themes that emerge in images of Islam and Muslims in United States' media since 9/11. Jackson first establishes that media is educational in two ways, first in that people learn what to think and how to behave from media sources, exemplified by Walt Disney's Aladdin when "Middle Eastern fruit sellers are commonly prone to violent rage upon discovering a single apple has been stolen from their cart"; Secondly that media implies social norms, such as films and media promoting smoking as a social norm, while not directly advertising a brand or smoking in general, but by commonly featuring smoking as a habit of a protagonist in mainstream films.
Upon the second form of media influence Jackson poses that associating Muslims with terrorism in media reveals that the association or connection of Muslims with terrorism is normal , reasonable and /or acceptable, and implied to and learned by young people, rather than the connection is biased and therefore harms Muslims. According to Jackson in order to educate students properly on multicultural issues teachers must consider student's knowledge and background experience in a subject matter in their teachings.
Question: Can you recall a time in which an instructor aggressively addressed an issue (mainly in media) dealing with an Islamic based issue such as religious values, practices or otherwise? ( Did this occur in Public, Private, or Secondary Education?)
For example, Osama bin Laden has been one of the most common religious leaders associated with Islam since 9/11. When bin Laden is portrayed in American media, such as Time Magazine his image does not include anything beyond his facial features, including text about being a target, giving a face to terror.
According to Jackson's argument, Americans' lack of familiarity with Islamic culture and its common association with terrorism is not necessarily due to a substantial amount of negative media about Muslim culture, but a lack of positive media about Muslims.
Question: Prior to this class, can you think of any positive portrayals of Islamic culture in mass media?
Old Pictures in New Frames: Images of Islam and Muslims in Post World War II American Political Cartoons
Old Pictues in New Frames briefly discusses images of Middle Eastern people presented in American Political cartoons since World War II. Christina Michelmore suggests that the impact of political cartoons is more substantial than news articles and editorials because images can often draw conclusions that cannot be reflected in text.
The portrayal of Arabs in political cartoons has developed in to a persistent ethnic stereotype. The are drawn to be "Kafiyya-wearing, bearded, big-nosed, often with dark glasses, [and] they greedily suck others dry and enjoy it". Other cartoons associate enemies with Islam which criminalizes, discredits, and demonizes it.
Michelmore's argument shows that throughout time the West has viewed Islamic culture in a very opinionated and narrow-minded way, often through a comical context.
Questions:
1. Do you think that there needs to be a filter on political cartoons in the same way there is a filter on media, in terms of political correctness?
2. How do you think political cartoons have evolved from the end of WWII to the end of the Gulf War?
3. How do you think political cartoons would change if Americans and Arabic characters shared more similar attributes? How do you think that the cartoonist would illustrate the differences?
The Intention of this article is to show the challenges of multicultural education and the common themes that emerge in images of Islam and Muslims in United States' media since 9/11. Jackson first establishes that media is educational in two ways, first in that people learn what to think and how to behave from media sources, exemplified by Walt Disney's Aladdin when "Middle Eastern fruit sellers are commonly prone to violent rage upon discovering a single apple has been stolen from their cart"; Secondly that media implies social norms, such as films and media promoting smoking as a social norm, while not directly advertising a brand or smoking in general, but by commonly featuring smoking as a habit of a protagonist in mainstream films.
Upon the second form of media influence Jackson poses that associating Muslims with terrorism in media reveals that the association or connection of Muslims with terrorism is normal , reasonable and /or acceptable, and implied to and learned by young people, rather than the connection is biased and therefore harms Muslims. According to Jackson in order to educate students properly on multicultural issues teachers must consider student's knowledge and background experience in a subject matter in their teachings.
Question: Can you recall a time in which an instructor aggressively addressed an issue (mainly in media) dealing with an Islamic based issue such as religious values, practices or otherwise? ( Did this occur in Public, Private, or Secondary Education?)
For example, Osama bin Laden has been one of the most common religious leaders associated with Islam since 9/11. When bin Laden is portrayed in American media, such as Time Magazine his image does not include anything beyond his facial features, including text about being a target, giving a face to terror.
According to Jackson's argument, Americans' lack of familiarity with Islamic culture and its common association with terrorism is not necessarily due to a substantial amount of negative media about Muslim culture, but a lack of positive media about Muslims.
Question: Prior to this class, can you think of any positive portrayals of Islamic culture in mass media?
Old Pictures in New Frames: Images of Islam and Muslims in Post World War II American Political Cartoons
Old Pictues in New Frames briefly discusses images of Middle Eastern people presented in American Political cartoons since World War II. Christina Michelmore suggests that the impact of political cartoons is more substantial than news articles and editorials because images can often draw conclusions that cannot be reflected in text.
The portrayal of Arabs in political cartoons has developed in to a persistent ethnic stereotype. The are drawn to be "Kafiyya-wearing, bearded, big-nosed, often with dark glasses, [and] they greedily suck others dry and enjoy it". Other cartoons associate enemies with Islam which criminalizes, discredits, and demonizes it.
Michelmore's argument shows that throughout time the West has viewed Islamic culture in a very opinionated and narrow-minded way, often through a comical context.
Questions:
1. Do you think that there needs to be a filter on political cartoons in the same way there is a filter on media, in terms of political correctness?
2. How do you think political cartoons have evolved from the end of WWII to the end of the Gulf War?
3. How do you think political cartoons would change if Americans and Arabic characters shared more similar attributes? How do you think that the cartoonist would illustrate the differences?
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